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Monday, December 14, 2015
Tuesday, August 25, 2015
Teaching the New Paradigm in Black Death Studies
Figure 1: Cover image, The Medieval Globe, vol. 1:
Pandemic Disease in the
Medieval World:
Rethinking
the Black Death. |
Rather than continuing to live in paralyzing doubt about
what disease caused the worst epidemic catastrophe in human history, our group
of historians, anthropologists, and microbiologists decided to take the leap
with our geneticist colleagues and accept that plague is, and was, plague. Not
anthrax, not Ebola, not typhus. And not even any unknown organism, a “black
box” category about which speculation was necessarily impossible. By accepting
that the Black Death was caused by Y.
pestis, we could take modern plague science as a guide into the past. The
plotting of the geographical distribution of different strains of Y. pestis on the global map could,
potentially, be used to begin a line of questioning about events that caused
the physical transfer of this single-celled organism across vast physical
distances. Similarly, any modern studies about Y. pestis’s clinical presentations or animal hosts could be used
analogically to draw parallels or pose hypotheses about the disease’s apparent
ecology or modes of transmission described in historical sources.
Modern science didn’t trump our traditional agenda of making
meaning out of the past as medieval people experienced it, of course. Far from
it. We argued that traditional humanist skills of interpreting language and
social context have never been more necessary. In alliance with the sciences,
we could perceive, through humanist lenses, a larger—and thus more
terrible—history of plague. In other words, the new science didn’t end historical investigation of the
Black Death. It opened new questions that forced us to expand our geographical,
chronological, and methodological conceptions to explore this greatest of all
human pandemics.
But how to teach
this new paradigm of Black Death thinking to undergraduates? The Black Death is
a staple in virtually every world history, western civilization, and medieval
history course that is taught, whether in K-12 or at the college level. And
particularly with Rosemary Horrox’s still superb collection of primary sources on the Black Death in Europe, there are already
significant resources for students and instructors to work with. But the
“traditional” approach that focuses only on western Europe is no longer
adequate. Teaching the Black Death—or rather, the Second Plague Pandemic in a new,
lengthened chronology, from the 13th to the 19th
centuries, and a broadened geography that encompasses much of the eastern
hemisphere—requires something more. Could I, and my students, make the leap
into this “brave new world” that incorporated genetics science into History?
Well, we tried! Here’s a quick account of what we did this
past semester, in my upper-level course, “The Black Death: Pandemic Disease in
the Medieval World,” which I taught at Arizona State University. You can find
the full syllabus here.
Below are some of the highlights of the approach we took.
First day: we watched the movie Contagion
(dir. Steven Soderbergh, 2011). It’s not about plague (not even a bacterial
disease) and it’s not medieval. But it’s great at showing panic, the erosion of
societal infrastructure because of mass mortality, the strains on government
and care providers in the face of an unknown killer. An added bonus is that genetic
analysis and epidemiology together are presented as “heroes” in tracking down
the disease. The students also did quick Google News searches for keyword
combinations like “Oregon – plague – cat,” “Colorado – plague – Girl Scout,” or
“Peru – plague – La Libertad.” None of my students, it turned out, had known
prior to taking the course that we have plague right here in Arizona, and it was important for them to realize from the
outset that plague was not just a medieval disease.
Second week: We started our headlong introduction into the
genetics. Here, we took a basic History of Science approach (the field in which
I was trained). There’s been a paradigm shift in science-historical
understanding of the plague, I explained to them, because of the shifts in genetics I outlined above. Hence, when you’re reading pre-2010 work vs.
post-2010 work, you need to keep in mind the different conceptions of our
understandings of plague history. One crucial element of genetics was that,
when you have a complete genome sequence, you can study the organism down to
its smallest detail. When we have multiple samples of whole genomes, we can use
the very subtle differences between them to infer familial (and hence,
historical) relations. I introduced them to what I call the Rosetta Stone of
the new plague science: the phylogenetic tree [fig. 2] showing all the main subfamilies of the plague bacillus. Making
an analogy with text-editing (we medievalists use phylogenetic trees, too, but
we call them “stemmas”) was an easy way to demystify these key concepts in
evolutionary science. But it was also important to discuss limitations. The new
genetics is very good at telling us where
the plague organism, Yersinia pestis,
evolved, but not quite as good at telling us when.
Third week: I realized I needed more time to explain the
basics of Y. pestis evolution and its
very peculiar mechanisms, both how it infected mammalian hosts and how the
bacterium-flea-rodent cycle worked. We addressed all this in the context of the
Justinianic Plague (ca. 541-750), with a brief look back at the evidence from Rufus of Ephesus, who described plague-like symptoms in the first century CE. In
retrospect, this was too much to cover in one week, especially given how much
we had to learn about plague in Antiquity and the severe devastation it caused. But they learned that the Black Death wasn’t
unprecedented, a point particularly crucial in understanding attitudes toward
plague in Islam, which arose as a religion during the Justinianic Plague period.
Fourth and Fifth Weeks: Now we turned to the great geographical
challenge of the “new plague paradigm.” Ever since 2004, the Qinghai-Tibet
Plateau (in what is now western China) has been suspected as the likely origin
point for Y. pestis’s evolution. This
was likely also the region that saw an abrupt divergence of Y. pestis into several distinct
strains, probably in the 13th century. Modern descendants of those
strains are very similar to what was retrieved in 2011 from the Black Death
cemetery in London. We’ve known for a long time the routes by which plague got
from Kaffa on the Black Sea into the Mediterranean and then North Africa and
western Europe. But how did it get from the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau to Kaffa? We
still can’t answer that question, but we learned a lot about the Mongol Empire,
its postal system, and the astounding levels of human migration (forced or otherwise)
in this period. We also watched a neat video on hunting marmots, and learned how their
use as a source of food and furs could spark a plague outbreak among humans.
Sixth through Tenth Weeks: Now we turned to the Black
Death’s effects in the Islamicate world and western Europe, the usual foci of
Black Death narratives. (Week Nine was Spring Break, so this was just four
weeks of class time.) Here, my objective was to reconceive the traditional
European narrative (what I call the Boccaccian narrative) in ways that allowed
us to use our “scientific” approach as a new lens in reading accounts on
inexplicable death and disaster. For example, when we studied plague’s
onslaught in the Islamicate world, we looked at Ibn Khaldun and Ibn Khatima (a
historian and diplomat in North Africa, on the one hand, and a physician in
southern Spain, on the other), both of whom had direct experience of the plague’s
first onslaught. But we also looked at modern case reports of plague being
transmitted by eating camel meat or by rodents scampering in nomads’ tents,
as well as transmission patterns in pneumonic plague,
all of which helped us think through, from the 14th-century
perspectives of our sources, the inexplicable nature of the devastation.
Still, reading through the historical and archeological materials
on the slaughter of Jewish communities in 1348 was made no easier by knowing
how palpable the fear must have been. The excavations of the Jewish cemetery at
Tàrrega,
in eastern Spain [Fig. 3], published
in the Medieval Globe volume, only
seemed more awful in linking them to evidence of pogroms elsewhere in France,
Switzerland, and Germany. We saw then, as we would see in the remaining weeks
of the semester (which brought plague’s history up to the present day), how
intimately plague was tied to so many other currents in political and economic
history.
Near the end of the semester, students were still indicating
that key points I had covered earlier were only then sinking in. “Oh, now I get it!” For example, because of
our broadened understanding of how many different species of animals plague can
move through, I had de-emphasized stories about rats alone as transmitters of
plague. When we got to the Third Plague Pandemic (mid-19th to early
20th century), it was only then that they understood how the “rat
paradigm” had become dominant, obscuring so much of what we needed to know
about plague’s many other reservoirs.
Towards the end, I asked the students to reflect on the
structure of the course overall. “What do you know now that you wish you had
learned earlier in the semester?” Several were satisfied with the order in
which we had proceeded. One indicated he wished it had been made clear earlier
why it was so significant that plague had originated in China. (This was a reminder to me that teaching in a global mode brings its
own demands.) Some wanted more science: one asked for more information about
animal vectors, another for more on environmental factors. One wished we had
addressed earlier the documentary lacunae and the fundamental problem that, for
a pandemic of such wide geographic dimensions, no single scholar was ever going to be able to have command over
all the languages, let alone types of skills, necessary to investigate this
phenomenon.
What were my desiderata? What would I do differently next
time? Fleshing out the central Asian narrative is still the biggest need in
terms of finding primary sources, whether documentary or bioarcheological. We
still have to wait before much can be said about sub-Saharan Africa and the genesis of the still-extant plague strains there. And much
more needs to be done on plague in other areas of Eurasia in the early modern period. But overall, I was pleased
that the course was able to present a cohesive and coherent narrative for plague’s global history.
The course drew students from history, anthropology, and the sciences, and all
were able to develop research projects that connected with their interests.
My one oversight? Not anticipating the depressing effect of
dealing week after week with death at this appalling scale. The still on-going
Ebola outbreak (which we talked about periodically and addressed explicitly at
the end of the course) only added to the effect. We were facing Dementors
without the benefit of any patronus charm to defend us.
Chocolate helped. As did, ultimately, the conviction that
although plague has not been (and likely never will be) eradicated, knowledge
of the history of this dreadful disease is the best defense we have.
Monica H. Green
Arizona State University
Figures and Credits
1: Cover image for Pandemic
Disease in the Medieval World: Rethinking the Black Death.
2: Phylogenetic
tree: Cui, Y.,
C. Yu, Y. Yan, D. Li, et al. 2013. “Historical Variations in Mutation Rate in
an Epidemic Pathogen, Yersinia pestis,”
Proceedings of the National Academy of
Science 110, no. 2: 577–82, with annotations by M. H. Green.
3: Amulets that may have made up
a child’s necklace, found in the Jewish cemetery of Tàrrega; see Anna Colet, Jordi Ruíz,
Oriol Saula, M. Eulàlia Subirà, et al. 2010. “Els amulets de la necrópolis
medieval hebrea de les Roquetes, Tàrrega (L’Urgell),” in Actes del IV Congrés
d’Arqueologia Medieval i Moderna a Catalunya 2: 1021-24, http://museutarrega.cat/download/pdf/Amulets.pdf
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